The Battle of Bendigo

On August 31, 2015, in Activism, by natalt

by Timothy Walling

I.

The anti-mosque rally in Bendigo on Saturday the 29th of August saw a stunning and unprecedented rout of the Left in Australia. For the first time in perhaps forty years, nationalists, patriots and concerned members of the community outnumbered communists – and the communists retreated.

The rally was held against a recent proposed mega-mosque and housing development in Bendigo, one of the largest country towns in Victoria and which has only 37 Muslims. The Bendigo City Council has green lighted the development, despite opposition from the local community. In order to draw attention to the issue, and help mobilise public opinion against the mosque, the United Patriots Front (UPF), a splinter from the Reclaim Australia movement, chaired the rally. Nationalist Alternative, Aussie Infidels, Patriotic Defence League of Australia, Australian Defence League and other nationalist groups attended. Representatives of Reclaim chose not to attend (although Pastor Danny Nalia did call up on the speakers – Scott Moreland – during his speech) in an official capacity.

In all my years of nationalist activism, I’ve never seen the nationalist and patriot side outnumber the communists and actually make pursuit of them; I’ve never seen the communists turn tail either. So the Bendigo rally represents a unique triumph – a total win for the nationalist side – but, having attended my fourth Reclaim-affiliated rally in a row, I’m beginning to see the drawbacks (as well as the strengths) of the Reclaim political strategy. Here in this essay, I’ll be given a description of the events of the rally and the Reclaim tactics (and strategy) with some suggestions as to how that strategy can be improved and extended.

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II.

Some comrades and I arrived at Bendigo by car around lunch time; we didn’t take the country train, as we suspected that it would be full to the brim with communists. Upon arriving, we took a walk around town to orient ourselves, and saw a few of the communist propaganda posters (‘You’ll always lose in Bendigo’) promising to rout the ‘neo-Nazis’ from Bendigo – this would be one more town where the ‘neo-Nazis’ would not be allowed to demonstrate in. In light of later events, these declarations and threats seemed ironic.

While walking down the street, we were approached by two working-class lads who introduced themselves and asked, ‘Are you here for the rally?’. We chatted for a little and learned from them they alone had around a dozen people ready to show up to the rally and defend it from the commies if need be. That news cheered us, understandably enough.

We saw that the police presence was quite large – officers would have been brought in from Melbourne city as reinforcements – and that the police had already been busy fortifying the protest area (just as they had done at the Sydney and Melbourne Reclaim demonstrations in July). Having time to kill, we stopped at a local bar. The bartender asked shrewdly, ‘Are you here for the rally?’. We responded, yes we were. The bar staff didn’t have a problem with it, of course, but by this point I wondered if we had the words ‘Out of towner’ tattooed on our foreheads for all to see.

After drinking and eating, we heard chanting in the distance, and a police siren. My comrade exclaimed, ‘That’s them [the communists] – time to go’. We got up, and I asked the other patrons at the bar to wish me luck. Once out in the street, we saw the communist marchers – numbering less than a hundred – round the corner bearing their signs and banners; shopkeepers began moving their stalls inside and bolting their doors. To the left of me, I saw around a hundred patriotic locals, waving Australian flags; to the right, the communists, with a thin line of police protecting them. I got my megaphone out of my bag (quite a few there that day on the nationalist side had equipped themselves with megaphones), dashed in front of the communist line and came face to face with members of the infamous ‘basher gang’ who had carried out all the assaults at the July rally. Without thinking, I squatted in front of the line, harangued them on my megaphone and waved at them to come over to my side and take a shot. All of this happened in the space of seconds: one moment I was drinking comfortably in a bar, the next minute, I had plunged into the eye of the storm. The police, seeing that the patriots outnumbered the communists, sent their cavalry reserves to bolster the line around the communists. Then they began pushing the nationalist back and back. The communists became somewhat frustrated at this point; they couldn’t ‘out-noise’ us because we were equipped with megaphones and sirens, and so could drown them out. After about ten minutes, the communists, unbelievably, retreated – to the jeers of the Bendigoans.

The crowd seemed somewhat aimless and directionless after that. We milled around and then the UPF contingent from Melbourne turned up. Blair made a brief announcement: we were to walk over to the town hall and wait for him to set up. All of this had thrown me somewhat off-kilter, as I fully expected that the communists would stick to their march route from the trades hall to the town hall and that, once ensconced at the latter, they would prevent the nationalists and patriots from approaching. But that wasn’t the case: the nationalist side controlled the area – including the town hall – completely.

The crowd headed off to the town hall, and then heard various speeches – by Blair, Kim Vuga, Chris Shortis, Matthew James, ex-serviceman Scott Moreland, Ralph Cinamarra and others. To see the first hour of the rally, look at: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=LgxcfRIEK9I

The communists had reassembled towards the right side of the town hall, and were outnumbered around 5-to-1. A police line protected them a crowd of 400 to 500 people.

Communists hate Australia and the Australian working-classes: they expressed that hatred for both that day by doing something that they knew would enrage them – they burned the Australian flag. At this point, the speakers exhorted the crowd – which needed little in the way of encouragement – to charge the communists and stop them burning the flag. The crowd surged forward as a mass, aware of its tremendous power and, I dare say, intoxicated by it. The police, upon seeing this enormous herd bearing down, lost their nerve; they panicked and whipped out the capsicum spray. As I pushed towards the front, I saw a cloud of brown mist rise up. Then it attacked my eyes and nostrils. I was fortunate in that I didn’t receive a direct hit, but even from a distance, the spray was incapacitating. The crowd, coughing and spluttering, turned on its heels and walked back to the town hall. The speakers – including Chris Shortis – swore furiously at the communists and told the crowd not to blame the police… Luckily, one of my group had brought along some bottles of water; we splashed the faces of some of the attendees who were most seriously affected.

Incongruously, a local activist against the council took the stage and began a long and detailed speech on the background of the mosque development. The crowd felt too excited to pay much attention, and really this speaker should have been put on first or second. A local lad managed to climb up to the top of a monument outside the hall and tie some Australian flags up there; in a display of mateship, his friends helped him descend from the monument (a difficult climb). All this can be seen here: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=81F10ci1Adk

The communists retreated – for the last time. They had abandoned the town hall, and all of Bendigo, to the nationalists.

Blair made some closing remarks and invited the attendees to join him for a drink at a local bar (where we had been drinking just before the communist march had begun). We decided to go back to Melbourne, and headed to another, less crowded bar on the way to the highway, where we stopped for a meal. Some patriots filed in afterwards, and began drinking boisterously. When the events of the day were shown on the TV news, they jeered and swore; the owner of the establishment became somewhat upset. I reflected that this must have been what Australian bars back in the 1940s were like: crude, boisterous, working-class and Australian. In this particular case, the patriots there felt strong and cocky, and why not: they had numbers on their side and undoubtedly were excited by the days events. But they behaved badly – they shouted, swore and aggravated the owners. Sad to say, the Reclaim crowd behaved in exactly the same way in the Melbourne bar at the after-rally celebration in July.

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III.

As stated before, I had attended all the Reclaim-affiliated rallies before this one. This had proved to be the most successful one so far: Shermon Burgess’ combination of Australian patriotism, anti-Islam and anti-communism had struck a chord with the locals, most of them working-class and most of them of the ‘bogan’ subculture. Here the 21st Australian equivalent of a peasant rebellion against the ruling classes seemed imminent. Events verged on anarchy, and the communist aggression and obnoxiousness along with the constant stream of invective by the speakers against Islam, the Bendigo council and the Australian liberal democratic system, served to whip the mob into a fury.

No doubt the speakers – and the mob – were intoxicated by their newfound sense of power before they charged the police line; I know I certainly was. For once, we had the upper hand over the communists, who had been persecuting nationalists and acting as the attack squad and enforcers of liberal multi-culti for at least forty years.

At the same, I had to ask myself if these ‘peasant rebellions’ were sustainable. Could nationalists ride the backs of the Australian workers towards victory? Could the mass movement – of ‘peasant rebels’ in the rural and regional areas, and in the Australian pockets remaining in the capital cities – bring the nationalists to power? Undoubtedly a national revolution against multi-culti, against Islam, against the Chinese and Indian demographic invasion and occupation of our cities, could not proceed without the working classes, the ‘peasants’, the mob, the bogans or whatever you wanted to call them. But that didn’t entail that the leaders had to be of the masses; they didn’t need to be violent, ‘bogan’, boisterous, uncouth, foul-mouthed, themselves; they didn’t need to encourage lack of respect for the law, authority and good manners; they didn’t need to pander and stoop to that level, and act (and it is an act) uneducated, anti-intellectual and the rest. As Yockey writes in Imperium, leader and led, leaders and masses, need each other, rely on each other, but stand like poles opposite to another; a distinction needs to be drawn between leader and mass – the leader cannot dissolve himself into the mass.

 

From looking at history, we can say that revolutions and uprisings by raffish, boisterous, anti-system and anti-establishment populists don’t work out that well. Let’s look at two examples from the past eighty years.

 

The first example is that of the Red Guards who, from 1966 to 1968, led the Cultural Revolution in China. These ultra-radical students, egged on by Mao who sought to harness their energies in a putsch against his political opponents, terrorised all of China – harassing, arresting, beating, torturing and killing hundreds of thousands of members of the Chinese political and social establishment, non-communist and communist. Like ISIS, they destroyed many old Chinese monuments, works of arts and cultural artefacts. China spiralled into civil war and eventually the Chinese army (the People’s Liberation Army, or PLA) put down the uprising. After Mao’s death in 1976, the Cultural Revolution faction of the Chinese Communist Party – the ‘Gang of Four’ – were thrown into jail and China returned to a state of pre-Mao somnolent calm.

At the height of the Cultural Revolution, the Red Guards lived on the high. They could travel the country for free, order their elders about and bully whoever they wanted. The Red Guard way of life appealed to those young Chinese who enjoyed that sort of thing and it constituted a liberation from all restraint.

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The second example is Ernst Röhm and his Brownshirts or SA (Sturmabteilungen, Storm Troops), who attempted a putsch against Hitler in 1934. After the January seizure of power by the NSDAP, the Brownshirts ran amok, kidnapping, arresting, torturing and killing communists and generally behaving like Mao’s Red Guards in China over thirty years later. In the words of the National Socialist expert Hadding Scott, they ‘made Germany look bad’. Hitler, the SS and the German army were forced to act after it became apparent that Röhm intended to launch a coup against Hitler (while retaining Hitler as a powerless figurehead). In June and July of 1934, the Röhm faction was brutally suppressed and Röhm and many of Hitler’s other political rivals were executed. The brilliant jurist Carl Schmitt hailed the Röhm purge as a return to normalcy and the restoration of law and order, writing a famous piece entitled ‘The Führer Upholds the Law’.

Both of these populist and mass-based (or rather, mob-based) movements helped the respective leaders Mao and Hitler politically. The Red Guards helped Mao shore up his power in the Chinese Communist Party long after the 1949 revolution; the Brown Shirts helped bring about the 1933 revolution (or coup-d’état or whatever you want to call it). Both of them rended the social fabric of their respective nations and both outlived their political usefulness – and were disposed of.

The moral I draw from both episodes – the Cultural Revolution and the Röhm putsch – is that if you unleash the passions of the mob, you are playing with fire and may end up getting burned.

It should be noted that the NSDAP, like all the fascist parties of Europe, marketed itself as the party of order. That is, it wanted to restore a smooth functioning – politically, socially, economically – to Germany after it took power and promised an end to social, political and economic chaos. The communists, who had done much to bring about that chaos as a means of fomenting revolution, were crushed. Himmler represents the ‘party of order’ faction of the NSDAP; after all, he created what is today called Interpol.

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IV.

In order to bring about a nationalist revolution in this country, it’s not necessary for nationalists to encourage social chaos and mayhem. We don’t need rioting; we don’t need to ape the Trotskyites and indulge in ‘smash the state’ rhetoric; we don’t need to follow the path outlined in Lenin’s State and Revolution (1917). We can work within the state – the government, the armed forces, the police and the state security services – and at the same time orchestrate mass actions on the street. The NSDAP followed this ‘two pincer’ method in the rewriting of the German constitution and the according to Hitler of absolute powers after the February 1933 Reichstag fire and consequent state suppression of the communists. The Czechoslovak communists famously copied the method for their coup in February 1948.

The bottom line is this. If we nationalists are to avail ourselves of similar methods, we can’t afford to alienate the police, the state and the ordinary, conservative-minded Australians watching the disorder in Bendigo on their TV screens. The latter group regard us as being no better than the Trotskyite communists who attempted to disrupt the rally (or for that matter the rioters at the infamous anti-globalisation rally in Seattle in 1999 and subsequent anarchistic anti-globalisation protests). We can’t allowed ourselves to be portrayed as yahoos bent on causing mayhem just for the hell of it. That repels the bourgeois sections of our society who gravitate naturally to a ‘party of order’.

On that day in Bendigo, I saw both sides mouthing vulgarities and inanities (the communists, chanting obscenities over and over, seemed the more offensive, but I’m biased). The point is that we need to clean up our act somewhat. We need to a) stop swearing and vulgarity in any of our speeches and in places such as bars and restaurants; b) not incite crowds to act contrary to the wishes of law enforcement officers (even when provoked into doing so by the communists); c) work with local activists (such as the last speaker at the Bendigo rally), emphasise their work more and be a little more organised; and d) repudiate the ‘bogans’ in our ranks who are prone to using violence, harassment and bullying and who have a name, inside and outside the nationalist community, for doing so.

 

I don’t expect patriot rallies to be an American Renaissance conference or a Sunday school, but we could make the effort to orient ourselves a little closer to mainstream standards of respectability, politeness and decency – and respect for law and order. That will stop us from degenerating to the levels of the Red Guards and the SA. Islam and multi-culti represent chaos, and most Australians, like the Chinese after 1976 and the Germans after 1934, want a return to normalcy. For that they need a party of order.

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3 Responses to The Battle of Bendigo

  1. Notna says:

    Good comments. You seem to have a fair understanding of the intricacies of radical groups. It’s important that your groups just don’t become fascist mobs. That would be as bad as communist mobs. The Islamic community should be entitled to a place of worship, as we are a free and tolerant society. However, my understanding of a mega mosque is that it will broadcast times of prayers, including 3 am. This is unfair to the people of Bendigo. None of the other religions broadcast their proceedings, not do the atheists or agnostics, Buddhists or other religions. People don’t want religion shoved down their throats. I think that is what the main objection is to the Bendigo mosque. Just a side note, Christian churches are not allowed within ten kilometres of a mosque in Indonesia. Whenever a plan for a church is announced, the neighbouring house is suddenly proclaimed a mosque, and so the church can’t go ahead. Pope Benedict said that he had no problem with a mosque being built in Rome (the World’s largest), but he just would like the same consideration to be granted to Christian churches in Saudi Arabia and other countries. The House of Saudi, by the way, is funding all these churches. Bendigo was targeted because of its central location and the Sacred Heart Cathedral, one of the largest churches in the Southern Hemisphere, as well as the Buddhist Temple which will be the largest in the Southern Hemisphere.

  2. […] Islamification. The specifics of the rallies and the related events have been covered in depth here, here and here, so there is little need to review again the politics behind this movement. The […]

  3. Well done. Only just seen this. Greetings from the UK National Front

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